The "Umpire-in-Chief?" Not Yesterday, Today, or Tomorrow
by Eric Segall
Chief Justice Roberts’ opinion for six Justices in yesterday’s huge Obamacare decision King v. Burwell was important, well-written and persuasive, but it still doesn’t make him the “Umpire-in-Chief.”
Chief Justice Roberts’ opinion for six Justices in yesterday’s huge Obamacare decision King v. Burwell was important, well-written and persuasive, but it still doesn’t make him the “Umpire-in-Chief.”
If you are reading this blog, then
you probably remember that during his confirmation hearings John Roberts said
the following: “Judges are like umpires. Umpires don't make the rules; they
apply them. The role of an umpire and a judge is critical. They make sure
everybody plays by the rules. But it is a limited role. Nobody ever went to a
ball game to see the umpire.”
In addition to the fact that
only those who are very well-connected to the Court, or are willing to stand in
long lines in Washington, D.C., get to actually “see” the Supreme Court, this
analogy between Justices and umpires is wildly misleading. As many have pointed
out before me, the Justices of the Supreme Court often do make up the rules of
the game. Asking them to interpret what “due process” or “equal protection” or “establishment”
means is virtually the same thing as asking them to decide what is fair, what
is equal, and where is the boundary between church and state, in other words,
the “rules.” And, the Justices’ decisions on these kinds of rules are virtually
unreviewable, as only a constitutional amendment can change them, and that just
about never happens.
Yesterday’s King v.
Burwell is a bit different, but just a bit. When the Court is called
upon to resolve a dispute involving the meaning of a federal statute, Congress
can overturn that decision by passing a new law. This actually happens from time
to time but does that make the Justices more like umpires? Of course not, and King v. Burwell makes that point
dramatically.
Even though I wrote here and here
and here
that the law governing the case was clear, and if law mattered the plaintiffs
had to lose, the truth is that the Court could have gone either way in the case because
the Justices have that much discretion. There are no instant replays and there
are no do-overs. Although the six Justices, led by the Chief, accepted the
rather obvious argument that Congress told us exactly what would happen if
states didn’t create their own exchanges (the feds had to create the same exchange),
two of them could have joined with the three dissenters to say that an exchange
“established by the state” means exactly (or only) that, and thus subsidies
weren’t available there. Although I think the dissent is far less persuasive
than the majority for all the reasons Mike wrote about yesterday, Professor
Jonathan Adler, among many other smart people, thinks exactly the opposite. The key
point is that the Justices could have written either opinion because they do
get to make the rules. Had the Court sided with the plaintiffs, maybe Congress
would have changed the law to offer the subsidies, but it was more likely pigs
would fly.
Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes
famously said:
“The
prophecies of what the courts will do in fact, and nothing more pretentious,
are what I mean by the law.” This is a vast overstatement because much of “the
law” is clear and obvious. We know we have to stop at red lights, pay our
taxes, and not rob the local (if there is one left) bank. But, when it comes to
the decisions of the United States Supreme Court, Holmes was exactly right.
Although many of us were
gratified by yesterday’s decision, and some of us suggested this was one of the
easier cases as a matter of legal reasoning to reach the Court, it is also a good
day (now that it is the day after) to remember this is a Supreme Court (and a
Chief Justice) who gutted
the Voting Rights Act based on an overtly misleading summary of the facts and a
sub silento overruling of a previous
decision. This is also a Court that twice said that pregnancy discrimination is
not discrimination based on gender (really), and for almost 60 years held that
separate and obviously unequal public schools did not violate the equal
protection clause.
When talking and writing about
the Supreme Court, especially its high profile cases like King v. Burwell, it is imperative to remember Holmes’ admonition. Although
legal materials like text and prior cases do count, so do politics, values, and
life experiences. Yesterday, all those factors came together in a way many of
us approve. Tomorrow, they may not, and that is why, even in easy legal cases
like King v. Burwell, they have to
play the game before we know how it will all come out.