Fiscal Hardball: House Democrats Need to Use Their Appropriation Authority to Rein in the Out-of-Control GOP
By Eric Segall
(Cross-posted @ TakeCare)
(Cross-posted @ TakeCare)
The United States Constitution places the initial power to
fund the entire federal government squarely in the hands of the United States
House of Representatives. Article I provides that “All Bills for raising
Revenue shall originate in the House of Representatives….” Moreover, "no
Money shall be drawn from the Treasury, but in Consequence of Appropriations
made by Law.” The Founding Fathers intentionally placed this spending authority
in the “People’s House” because it, as opposed to
the Senate, “was more immediately the representatives of the people, and it was
a maxim that the people ought to hold
the purse-strings.” Although the Senate may add amendments to bills suggesting
government spending, the House has to agree before such a bill may become law.
Today, the Democrats, and the people they represent, hold
these all-important purse strings, and they should use them to fight the
on-going rule of law violations and norm breaking behavior being committed by
the Republican controlled Senate and President Donald Trump. For example, the
House wants to and should have the right to see the entire Mueller Report, but
it is being stonewalled by broad and “bogus” executive privilege objections and other political
machinations by the Trump Administration (legitimately privileged materials
could be reviewed by members of the House outside the public eye). No doubt the
House will seek judicial relief, but that could take months or longer, and
given the five Republicans on the Supreme Court, the outcome will be very much
in doubt.
An alternative plan would be for House Democrats to refuse
to pass any new appropriation bills for the non-national security, non-criminal
law enforcement divisions of the Department of Justice until the Mueller Report
is handed over to them, and the relevant witnesses in the report, such as the
President’s former attorney, agree to testify about the report. Under Trump’s Department
of Justice, the Civil Rights Division and the Federal Programs Branch (where I
once worked for President George H.W. Bush) are doing mostly partisan work
anyway such as defending voter suppression in Texas and seeking to invalidate the entire Affordable Care Act. There is no reason
Democrats should agree to pay for such legal actions given the way they are
being treated by the Administration.
Senate Republicans essentially stole a Supreme Court seat
in 2016 when the very day that Justice Scalia died, the Senate Majority Leader
announced that President Obama’s nominee would not even get a hearing in the
Senate, even though Obama had almost a year left in his Presidency. This
was serious constitutional hardball played by the GOP Senate. This breaking of
judicial nomination norms had and will have a drastic effect on the entire
federal judiciary. In return, the House Democrats could refuse to pass appropriations for new judges (separate from salary which must be paid under
Article III) until some compromise is reached where the nomination process
becomes more bi-partisan (such as returning to the old blue-slip
process where home state senators had an
effective veto over the nomination of judges from their state), or an agreement
to appoint at least a few Democratic judges to the lower courts.
Despite a federal
statute authorizing the House of Representatives
to subpoena Trump’s tax returns, he has refused to provide them. This issue is
also likely heading to the courts, but the House could also use its
appropriations power to require Trump to turn over his returns or Executive
Branch discretionary expenditures could be slashed by failing to reauthorize
them. Although the House cannot use its power of the purse to encroach on the
President’s core constitutional authority, nor can it unilaterally slash
existing funds without Senate cooperation, there are still many legal ways to
pressure the Administration to cooperate in a more bi-partisan fashion by
threatening not to agree to fund programs important to the President.
Across a broad range of policy areas, such as family
planning services, climate change initiatives, and infrastructure renewal,
House Democrats have a mighty power at their disposal, and they should use it,
just as the Founding Fathers intended. James Madison said in Federalist No. 58 that the “power over the purse may,
in fact, be regarded as the most complete and effectual weapon, with which any
constitution can arm the immediate representatives of the people, for obtaining
a redress of every grievance, and for carrying into effect every just and
salutary measure.”
Some may argue that if House Democrats use the power of the
purse this way today, then the Republicans will do the same when the political sides
are reversed. The reality is that, given the norm breaking by the GOP over last
few years across all areas of the federal government, they likely would use
that power whether the Democrats do so or not. Moreover, Trump’s tax
returns, the full Mueller report, and the veracity of the witnesses discussed
in that report, are highly relevant to the next election, and this specific
kind of hardball can be defended on those terms, The GOP’s theft of Obama’s
seat justifies a retaliatory move by the Democrats regarding the courts, and
the Administration’s failure to compromise on many important policy questions
is a legitimate trigger for fiscal negotiations by the House.
For many complex reasons, the House of Representatives has
not exercised its power of the purse in a serious manner in a long time (though
the GOP-controlled House did limit some of President’s Obama’s authority
through this tactic). This abstinence has allowed the Members to shirk many
important oversight responsibilities. Even for reasons separate from our
current Trumpian-created crisis, our country would be much better off with power
flowing away from the Executive Branch and back to the Congress generally and
the House specifically. But given our current President and Senate Majority
Leader, and their thumbing their noses at both the rule of law and longstanding
governing norms, it is time for House Democrats to use all the constitutional
powers at their disposal to return to some sort of equilibrium between our two
major political parties, before it is truly
too late.